🚨 PARLIAMENT IN FLAMES: BUDGET COVER-UP EXPLODED – STARMER UNLEASHES DEVASTATING PROOF AGAINST HIS OWN CHANCELLOR! 🚨

Total meltdown in the House of Commons! Keir Starmer corners Rachel Reeves with irrefutable evidence of a massive betrayal: secret tax grabs, dodgy market moves, and a nightmare Budget that even Cabinet ministers are privately slamming as a disaster.

But the real bombshell? The head of the independent Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) just QUIT in fury! Starmer drops the hidden truth the government desperately tried to bury – a catastrophic leak of the entire Budget details BEFORE it was even announced, sparking chaos, market panic, and accusations of misleading the public on tax hikes.

Is this the final nail in Labour’s coffin? Hidden forecasts, technical blunders called the “worst failure ever,” and a chancellor under siege… while Starmer claims he’s “proud” of it all? 😤

The truth is out – and it’s uglier than anyone imagined.

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The resignation of the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) chair Richard Hughes on December 1, 2025, has reignited fierce political battles over Chancellor Rachel Reeves’ controversial Autumn Budget, with opposition parties accusing the Labour government of a cover-up on tax hikes and misleading the public about the state of the nation’s finances.

Hughes stepped down hours after the OBR published an internal investigation concluding that the premature release of its key Economic and Fiscal Outlook (EFO) document – which contained sensitive market-moving forecasts and policy details – was the “worst failure” in the watchdog’s 15-year history. The leak occurred on November 26, 2025, roughly an hour before Reeves delivered her Budget speech in Parliament, leading to immediate market volatility as details spread online.

In his resignation letter to Reeves and Treasury Select Committee chair Dame Meg Hillier, Hughes took “full responsibility” for the shortcomings, describing the incident as a “technical but serious error” stemming from weaknesses in IT security and leadership over time. He said he was quitting to allow the OBR to “quickly move on” and restore confidence in the independent forecaster.

The timing of Hughes’ exit came amid mounting scrutiny of Reeves’ pre-Budget messaging. In the weeks leading up to the October 30, 2025, Budget, Reeves and Prime Minister Keir Starmer repeatedly warned of a grim economic inheritance, including a £22 billion “black hole” in public finances and a significant downgrade in productivity forecasts from the OBR. This narrative justified tax rises totaling around £40 billion, including employer National Insurance hikes, changes to non-dom rules, and freezes on income tax thresholds – measures critics say hit working people hard despite Labour’s manifesto pledge not to raise taxes on them.

Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch and her shadow team have hammered Reeves, accusing her of using gloomy forecasts as a “smokescreen” to push through painful measures while downplaying offsetting positives, such as higher wage growth that boosted tax revenues. Badenoch called for Reeves’ resignation, labeling Hughes’ departure as evidence the chancellor was treating the OBR chair as a “human shield.”

The OBR’s own post-Budget revelations added fuel. In a letter to MPs on November 29, 2025, Hughes disclosed that he had informed the Treasury as early as September 17 about improved fiscal headroom due to stronger wage growth offsetting the productivity downgrade. On October 31, the OBR told officials the government was on track to meet its key fiscal rule – not borrowing for day-to-day spending – with £4.2 billion to spare, though less than the previous year’s buffer.

Opposition figures seized on this, arguing Reeves overstated the crisis to justify tax grabs. Shadow Chancellor Mel Stride said the chancellor’s repeated claims of “no money left” ignored the OBR’s balancing factors, calling it a deliberate attempt to “mislead the public.” Reform UK’s Nigel Farage echoed the sentiment on social media and GB News, branding the Budget a “betrayal” of voters who expected fiscal restraint without broad tax pain.

Reeves and Starmer have pushed back firmly. On December 1, Starmer told reporters he was “proud” of the Budget, denying any misleading of the public. He emphasized the government’s commitment to cutting borrowing and delivering for working people, arguing that tough choices were unavoidable given the economic challenges. Reeves thanked Hughes for his service and stressed the Budget’s focus on stability and growth.

The leak itself triggered chaos. Markets reacted sharply as traders accessed the full EFO ahead of the speech, causing gyrations in gilt yields and the pound. The OBR’s investigation blamed predictable internet addresses, weak cybersecurity protocols, and longstanding leadership issues – not intentional sabotage. No evidence emerged of deliberate government involvement in the release.

Parliament erupted in heated debates. During Prime Minister’s Questions and Treasury questions, MPs grilled ministers on the discrepancies between pre-Budget rhetoric and OBR disclosures. SNP deputies and some Labour backbenchers expressed unease, though the government maintained a united front. The Treasury Select Committee held sessions with OBR officials (minus Hughes) on December 2, where surviving members described the Treasury relationship as “very close” but hoped for smoother processes ahead.

Broader context shows the Budget as a high-stakes moment for the new Labour government. Elected in July 2024 on promises of change, Labour inherited what it called 14 years of Conservative mismanagement. The October Budget aimed to plug the claimed fiscal hole while funding public services and green initiatives. Key measures included £26 billion in tax rises, higher employer NI contributions, and capital gains tax tweaks – moves that drew business criticism but were defended as necessary for stability.

Critics point to market jitters post-Budget, with borrowing costs rising temporarily amid fears of over-taxation stifling growth. Supporters highlight the OBR’s endorsement that the plans meet fiscal rules, projecting debt falling as a share of GDP.

Hughes’ resignation leaves a leadership vacuum at the OBR. The independent body, established in 2010 to provide impartial forecasts, plays a crucial role in holding governments accountable. Experts like those at the Institute for Government urged a rigorous search for a strong replacement, approved by both the chancellor and Parliament, to maintain credibility.

The episode has amplified calls for OBR reform, including better safeguards against leaks and clearer communication of forecasts. Some commentators suggest the incident exposed tensions between the watchdog and Treasury, though OBR officials denied any “war.”

As January 2026 progresses, the government faces ongoing pressure. Polls show Labour’s honeymoon fading, with economic concerns topping voter worries. The next OBR forecast, set for March 3 alongside the Spring Statement, will test whether the Budget’s measures deliver promised stability.

Opposition parties vow to keep the heat on, framing the saga as proof of Labour incompetence and opacity. Labour counters that it is delivering difficult but responsible decisions after years of Tory chaos.

Whether this proves a temporary storm or a lasting dent in credibility remains to be seen. For now, the Budget leak and OBR resignation stand as a stark reminder of how quickly fiscal narratives can unravel in Westminster’s high-stakes arena